First Jewish–Roman War
First Jewish–Roman War | ||||||||
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Part of the Jewish–Roman wars | ||||||||
Judaea and Galilee in the first century | ||||||||
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Belligerents | ||||||||
Roman Empire |
Supported by:
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Radical factions: | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | ||||||||
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Zealots:
Edomites:
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Strength | ||||||||
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Judean provisional government forces:
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Sicarii:
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Casualties and losses | ||||||||
10,000+ soldiers killed | 25,000–30,000 killed |
10,000–20,000 Zealots and Idumeans killed Thousands of Sicarii killed | ||||||
According to Josephus, 1.1 million non-combatants died in Jerusalem and 100,000 in Galilee; 97,000 enslaved.[1] White[2] estimates the combined death toll[clarification needed] for the First and Third Roman Jewish Wars as being approximately 350,000.[3] |
The First Jewish–Roman War (66–74 CE), sometimes called the Great Jewish Revolt (Hebrew: המרד הגדול, romanized: ha-Mered Ha-Gadol) or the Jewish War, was the first of three major rebellions by the Jews against the Roman Empire fought in the province of Judaea, resulting in the destruction of Jewish towns, the displacement of its people, and the appropriation of land for Roman military use, as well as the destruction of the Jewish Temple and polity.
The revolt began in 66 CE, during the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, originating in the oppressive rule of Roman governors, the widening gaps between the wealthy aristocracy and the downtrodden masses, and Roman and Jewish religious tensions.[4][5] The crisis escalated because of anti-taxation protests and clashes between Jews and pagans in mixed cities.[6] The Roman governor Gessius Florus seized money from the Second Temple's treasury and arrested numerous senior Jewish figures. This prompted widespread rebellion in Jerusalem that culminated in the capture of the Roman garrison by rebel forces as the pro-Roman King Herod Agrippa II and Roman officials fled. To quell the unrest, Cestius Gallus, the legate of Syria, brought in the Syrian army, consisting of the Legion XII Fulminata and auxiliary troops. Despite initial advances and the conquest of Jaffa, the Syrian Legion was ambushed and defeated by Jewish rebels at the Battle of Beth Horon with 6,000 Romans massacred and the Legion's aquila lost. In 66, a Judean provisional government was formed in Jerusalem led by former High Priest Ananus ben Ananus, Joseph ben Gurion and Joshua ben Gamla. Yosef ben Matityahu (Josephus) was appointed as the rebel commander in Galilee and Eleazar ben Hanania as the commander in Edom. Later, in Jerusalem, an attempt by Menahem ben Yehuda, leader of the Sicarii, to take control of the city failed. He was executed, and the remaining Sicarii were ejected from the city. Simon bar Giora, a peasant leader, was also expelled by the new government.
The Roman general Vespasian was given four legions and tasked by Nero with crushing the rebellion. Assisted by forces of Agrippa, Vespasian invaded Galilee in 67 and within several months had claimed the major Jewish strongholds of Galilee, Jodapatha and Tarichaea.[7] Driven from Galilee, Zealot rebels and thousands of refugees arrived in Jerusalem, creating tensions between the mainly Sadducee Jerusalemites and the Zealot rebel factions that soon erupted into bitter infighting. In 69, Vespasian marched on Rome and crowned himself as emperor, leaving Titus to besiege Jerusalem in 70 CE. Following a brutal seven-month siege, during which Zealot infighting resulted in the burning of the entire food supplies of the city, the Romans finally succeeded in breaching the defenses in the summer of 70. Following the fall of Jerusalem, Titus departed for Rome, leaving the Legion X Fretensis to defeat the remaining Jewish strongholds, including Herodium and Machaerus. The Roman campaign ended with their success at the siege of Masada in 72–74.
The Roman suppression of the revolt had a significant impact on the local population, with many rebels perishing in battle, displaced, or being sold into slavery. The temple of Jerusalem and much of the city was destroyed by fire and the Jewish community was thrown into turmoil by the devastation of its political and religious leadership.
Background
[edit]Judaea, an independent kingdom under the Hasmonean dynasty, was conquered by the Roman general Pompey in 63 BCE.[8] His intervention was presented as a means of resolving a civil war between the brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobolus, both competing for the royal throne.[9][10] During his conquest of Jerusalem, Pompey entered the Holy of Holies[11]—an act of desecration, as only the High Priest was permitted entry. The Jewish monarchy was abolished, and Hyrcanus was recognized only as High Priest.[12] In 40 BCE, Antigonus II Mattathias, Aristobolus's son, briefly regained the throne with Parthian support,[13] but was deposed by Herod in 37 BCE. Herod, appointed "King of the Jews" by the Roman Senate, governed Judaea as a client king of Rome until his death in 4 BCE.[14] After his death, his kingdom was divided among his sons,[13] with Archelaus serving as ethnarch of Judea (including Jerusalem), Samaria, and Idumaea, and Herod Antipas governing Galilee and Perea.[15] Archelaus's misrule led to his deposition within a decade in 6 CE, and Judaea was subsequently annexed as a Roman province under the name Iudaea.[16][17]
In the six decades passing from the establishment of the province to the revolt, the relationship between the Jewish population and the Roman authorities was marked by numerous crises.[16] Many disputes stemmed from perceived religious offenses by the Roman authorities.[18] With the onset of direct Roman rule, the official census instituted by Quirinius, the Roman governor of Syria, triggered an uprising led by Judas of Galilee. Judas was a leader of what Josephus refers to as the "fourth philosophy,"[19] a movement that rejected Roman rule and affirmed the sole kingship of God. Under Pilate's administration (c. 26–36 CE), incidents such as the introduction of military standards into Jerusalem, the diversion of Temple funds for an aqueduct, and a soldier’s indecent exposure near the Temple provoked unrest and bloodshed.[18] These conflicts often escalated during pilgrim festivals when the city was crowded with worshippers.[20]
Under Caligula's reign (37–41 CE), Roman policy in Judaea underwent a significant, albeit brief, disruption.[21] Caligula's insistence on the imperial cult intensified anti-Jewish sentiment, culminating in violent outbreaks in Alexandria in 38 CE.[21] Tensions escalated further following a dispute at Jamnia, where the Jewish community dismantled an altar to the emperor erected by non-Jewish residents. This led to a crisis in 40 CE when Caligula ordered a statue of himself to be placed in the Jerusalem Temple, a demand that clashed with Jewish religious beliefs and provoked widespread outrage.[20][21] A Jewish delegation from Alexandria, who had initially come to Rome for a separate matter, redirected their efforts to persuade the emperor to abandon his plan.[22] Only Caligula's death prevented an open conflict, but the episode deepened Jewish resentment toward Roman rule.[20][21]
Between 41 and 44 CE, Herod Agrippa, with the support of Emperor Claudius, successfully unified the territories once ruled by his grandfather, Herod the Great.[20] This period saw a brief restoration of Jewish self-governance, with Agrippa acting as a client king. Following his death in 44 CE, however, Judaea reverted to direct Roman rule under procurators, with its administrative territory expanded to encompass Judea, Samaria, Idumaea, Galilee and Perea.[20][23]
The second provincial era, which began with relatively stable rule under the first Roman procurators, soon saw a significant deterioration in the situation. Around 48 CE, the Roman authorities executed Jacob and Simon, the sons of Judas of Galilee.[24] In the following years, violent clashes took place between Jews and Samaritans. By the early 50s CE, violence had infiltrated Jerusalem itself. The sicarii, a group of radical Jewish assassins, exploited the dense pilgrim crowds during religious festivals to carry out targeted killings and intimidate the urban population.[20] They also targeted affluent landowners in rural areas, destroying their property, likely as a means of sending a message to discourage cooperation with the Romans.[25] Religious fanaticism gained traction among the masses during this period, leading to the rise of numerous prophetic figures. One notable incident involved "the Egyptian," a prophet who gathered a large following with plans to march on Jerusalem, but was dispersed by procurator Antonius Felix.[26]
By the time Gessius Florus assumed office as procurator in 64 CE, the situation in Judaea had already deteriorated significantly.[27] A native of Asia Minor, Florus secured the position through his wife, a friend of Nero's murdered wife. Tacitus regarded him as a poor choice for the role,[28] while Josephus portrays him as a ruthless official who plundered the region and inflicted harsh punishments.[29][30] His connections to the imperial family afforded him considerable freedom in his governance.[30] During Passover, likely the year after Florus's appointment, Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, visited Jerusalem, perhaps to address complaints against Florus, but he took no action to change the procurator's policies.[31]
Course of events
[edit]Outbreak of the rebellion
[edit]In the spring of 66 CE, ethnic violence broke out in Caesarea. Local Jews attempted to buy the land next to their synagogue from its Greek owner.[32] Despite an offer far exceeding the land's value, the owner refused and instead built workshops on the site, obstructing access to the synagogue.[32] When young Jews attempted to stop the construction, Florus intervened on behalf of the Greek.[32] Prominent Jews then offered Florus eight talents to halt the work, which he accepted before traveling to Sebaste, allowing construction to proceed anyway.[33] The following day, on Shabbat, a local performed bird sacrifices in front of the synagogue, provoking violence between the communities. Local cavalry tried to intervene but was unsuccessful, and Jews who went to Florus in Sebaste to complain about the incident were arrested.[34]
Shortly after, further violence broke out in Jerusalem when Florus withdrew 17 talents from the Temple treasury under the pretext of "imperial needs." This provoked protests and ridicule from the crowd, with some mocking Florus by passing around a basket to collect alms for him.[35] When Jewish leaders refused to surrender those who had mocked him, Florus ordered his troops to sack the Upper Agora, where they whipped, crucified, and killed over 3,600 people, including wealthy Jews who were Roman citizens belonging of the equestrian order.[36] A second massacre occurred when Jews from the city went out to greet two cavalry squadrons approaching from Caesarea. The soldiers pursued the panicked residents back into Jerusalem, killing many as they tried to reach the Antonia Fortress. Florus, attempting to reach the fortress himself, was blocked by the angry population, who also severed access between the Temple and the Antonia. Eventually, Florus fled the city, leaving behind a cohort of 500 to 1,000 soldiers.
King Agrippa II, the Jewish vassal king of Chalcis, hurried from Alexandria to pacify the people during a gathering in Jerusalem, initially appearing successful in convincing them of the folly of waging war against Rome.[37][38]
But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans?[39]
Following his speech, Agrippa and his sister Berenice wept, and the crowd declared they were not at war with Rome but with Florus.[40] Agrippa warned that refusing to pay tribute and dismantling the porticoes connecting the Antonia Fortress to the Temple constituted rebellion, urging their restoration and payment of taxes to avoid further accusations. Convinced, the people began the reconstruction, and officials collected the 40 talents owed.[40] However, when he tried to convince them to comply with Florus until a new Roman governor could be appointed, he was forced to leave the city in disgrace, amid insults and stones being thrown at him.[37][38][40]
At this point, Eleazar ben Hanania, one of the Temple clerks, persuaded the priests to cease accepting gifts or sacrifices from foreigners.[41] This act ended the practice of offering sacrifices on behalf of Rome and its emperor, a practice in place since the time of Augustus. According to Josephus, this event stopped the sacrifices marked the foundation of the war against Rome. While some historians view this act as a declaration of war on Rome, others argue it was neither directed at Rome nor intended as a declaration of war.[42] Around this time, rebels in the south launched a surprise attack on the fortress at Masada, killing the Roman guards and establishing their own garrison there.[41]
Subsequently, the leaders of Jerusalem, along with the high priests and heads of the Pharisees, attempted to dissuade the populace from engaging in rebellion with Rome, but their efforts were unsuccessful. They then sought to quell the uprising by requesting Florus and Agrippa to dispatch troops to Jerusalem. In response, Agrippa II dispatched 2000 cavalry to Jerusalem recruited from Auranitis, Batanaea, and Trachonitis.[43] These forces, along with the moderates, controlled the Upper City, while the Lower City and the Temple Mount fell under rebel control.[44] After a few days of fighting, the rebels captured the Upper City, forcing the moderates to take refuge in Herod's Palace, while others fled or hid.[45]
The rebels then set fire to the house of former high priest Ananias, the palaces of Agrippa and Berenice, and the public archives, where debt records were kept.[46] By destroying the archives, the rebels aimed to gain the support of Jerusalem's poor and debtors.[47][46] Shortly afterward, they captured Herod's Palace and agreed to a ceasefire with the moderates and Agrippa's forces but refused any compromise with the Roman soldiers. The Romans retreated to the towers of Phasael, Hippicus, and Mariamne, just north of Herod's Palace.[48] Later, when the besieged Roman soldiers surrendered their weapons in exchange for safe passage, the rebels massacred them, sparing only their commander Metilius, who pledged to convert to Judaism and undergo circumcision.[41]
As events in Jerusalem escalated, ethnic violence spread across Judaea, Syria, and neighboring regions. On the same day as the garrison massacre, according to Josephus, the non-Jews of Caesarea conducted an ethnic cleansing of the local Jewish population, killing approximately 20,000. The remaining survivors were arrested by Florus.[49] News of the massacre sparked further ethnic violence, leading Jewish groups to attack neighboring villages and cities, particularly those in the Decapolis, such as Philadelphia, Heshbon, Gerasa, Pella, and Scythopolis.[49] Archaeological evidence from Gerasa and Gadara confirms the destruction of public buildings during this period.[49] These cities were likely targeted due to their Greek or Macedonian origins and cultural influence, though some had Jewish residents as a result of the conquests of Alexander Jannaeus in the first century BCE.[49]
Violence also broke out in Alexandria, Egypt, where clashes erupted after Greeks attacked Jews gathered in an amphitheater, capturing some alive and prompting retaliation from other Jews in the city.[50] When peaceful efforts by the governor of Egypt, Tiberius Julius Alexander—a Jew estranged from his heritage—failed, he deployed military forces against the Jews, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths.[51]
According to fourth-century church fathers Eusebius and Epiphanius of Salamis, Jerusalem's Christians fled to Pella before the beginning of the war.[52]
Gallus' campaign
[edit]At this stage of the events, Cestius Gallus, the Roman legate of Syria, decided to march to Judaea. He led a military force from Antioch, including Legio XII Fulminata, 2,000 men from each of the other three legions stationed in Syria, six infantry cohorts, and four cavalry units.[43] He was also accompanied by a considerable number of royal troops, totaling between two and three legions, which included 2,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry archers from Antiochus IV of Commagene, a similar number of foot soldiers and fewer cavalry from Agrippa II, and 1,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry from Sohaemus of Emesa.[43] Gallus further bolstered his ranks with irregular forces from various cities, such as Berytus, where the troops, motivated by hostility toward the Jews, made up for their lack of formal training.[53][43]
After establishing a base in Ptolemais,[54] Cestius Gallus launched a campaign against Jewish villages in Galilee, burning the city of Chabulon along with other nearby settlements, before marching to Caesarea.[55] His forces captured Jaffa, Jerusalem's port, massacring its inhabitants and setting the city ablaze.[55] He also sent a cavalry force to ravage the toparchy of Narbata, near Caesarea.[56] In Galilee, the Romans were warmly received by the residents of Sepphoris, who opposed the revolt.[56] From there, Gallus proceeded toward Jerusalem, passing through Antipatris and Lydda and leaving devastation in their wake. Lydda, largely deserted as most of its residents were in Jerusalem for the festival of Sukkot, was destroyed, and those who remained were killed.[57] Continuing his march through Bethoron and Gabaon, Gallus's army was ambushed by Jewish forces, suffering significant losses. Among the Jewish fighters, Monobazus and Candaios—relatives of the king of Adiabene—as well as Niger the Perean and Simon bar Giora.[58] Agrippa II made a final attempt to negotiate peace with the rebels, but his efforts failed.[59] Gallus advanced to Jerusalem and encamped on Mount Scopus, a strategic position providing a clear view of the city center.[59]
In late Tishrei, Gallus advanced into Jerusalem, causing the rebels to retreat into the inner city and the Temple.[59] Upon entering, Gallus set fire to the Bezetha district and the Timber Market, intending to intimidate the population.[60] He then set camp in the Upper City.[60] Despite Josephus' suggestion that Gallus could have captured Jerusalem with greater resolve,[43][61] he ultimately chose to retreat after some initial engagements.[43]
Gallus's withdrawal from Jerusalem towards the coastal plain turned into a rout, with the loss of 5,300 infantry—equivalent to a full legion—and 480 cavalry—equivalent to a whole cavalry ala.[43][62] This culminated in a decisive engagement at Bethoron, where the Roman army suffered heavy casualties and lost an aquilla.[citation needed], at the same route where the Maccabees had defeated a Seleucid army two centuries earlier.[63] The rebels pursued the Romans to Antipatris,[62] forcing them to abandon their baggage and heavy weaponry, including artillery and battering rams, which, along with other spoils of war, were plundered by the rebels.[64]
Scholars have compared this Roman failure to the disastrous Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9 CE,[62], though it was much larger in scale, resulting in three times the losses.[65] Fergus Millar writes that Gallus' defeat is particularly significant as a rare instance where Roman regular forces suffered such a loss the population of an existing province.[43] The unexpected victory shifted the momentum toward the pro-revolt factions. The rebels grew more confident,[65] while moderates and previously undecided individuals were swept up in enthusiasm. Although some elites fled to join the Romans,[66] many remained in the city, aligning themselves with the triumph.[citation needed] Around the same time, a pogrom unfolded in Damascus, where the city's men, fearing betrayal from wives who had converted to Judaism, secretly planned an attack on the Jewish population. They confined the Jews to a gymnasium and then, according to Josephus, killed thousands within hours.[67]
Judean provisional government
[edit]Following the defeat of Gallus in Beth Horon, the People's Assembly was called under the spiritual guidance of Simeon ben Gamliel and thus the Judean provisional government was formed in Jerusalem. Former High Priest Ananus ben Ananus (Hanan ben Hanan) was appointed one of the government heads and began reinforcing the city, with other prominent figure of Joseph ben Gurion,[68] with Joshua ben Gamla taking a leading role. Josephus Matthias (Yosef ben Matityahu) was appointed the commander in Galilee and Golan, while Josephus Simon (Yosef ben Shimon) was appointed commander of Jericho,[68] John the Issene (Yohanan Issean) commander of Jaffa, Lydda, Ammeus-Nikopolis and the Tamna area.[68] Elazar Ananias (Eliezar ben Hananiya) the joint commander in Edom together with Jesus ben Sapphas (Joshua ben Zafia), with Niger the Perean the war hero during the Gallus campaign under their command. Menasseh was appointed for Perea and John Ananias (Yohanan ben Hananiya) to Gophna and Acrabetta.[68]
An attempt by Menahem ben Yehuda, leader of the Sicarii, to take control of Jerusalem failed. He was executed, and the remaining Sicarii were ejected from the city to their stronghold Masada, previously taken from a Roman garrison. Headquartered in Masada, the Sicarii terrorized nearby Judean villages such as Ein Gedi. Simon bar Giora was also expelled from Jerusalem, and his faction took refuge in Masada and stayed there until the winter of 67–68.
Vespasian's Galilee campaign
[edit]Emperor Nero sent General Vespasian to crush the rebellion. Vespasian, along with legions X Fretensis and V Macedonica, landed at Ptolemais in April 67. There he was joined by his son Titus, who arrived from Alexandria as the head of Legio XV Apollinaris, as well as by the armies of various local allies including that of King Agrippa II. Fielding more than 60,000 soldiers, Vespasian began operations by subjugating Galilee.[69] Judean rebels in Galilee were divided into two camps, with forces loyal to the central government in Jerusalem commanded by Josephus and representing the wealthy and priesthood classes, whereas local Zealot militias largely consisted of poor fishermen, farmers and refugees from Roman Syria. Many towns associated with the Jewish elite gave up without a fight, including Sepphoris and Tiberias, although others had to be taken by force. Of these, Josephus provides detailed accounts of the sieges of Tarichaea, Yodfat (Jotapata) and Gamla; Gischala, the stronghold of Zealots, was also taken by force, as Zealot leaders abandoned it in the midst of the siege, heading with the bulk of their force for Jerusalem.
By 68, Jewish resistance in the north had been crushed, and Vespasian made Caesarea Maritima his headquarters and methodically proceeded to cleanse the coastline of the country, avoiding direct confrontation with the rebels at Jerusalem. Based on questionable numbers from Josephus, it has been estimated that the Roman vanquishing of Galilee resulted in 100,000 Jews killed or sold into slavery.[70][71]
Judean regrouping and civil war
[edit]Vespasian remained camped at Caesarea Maritima until spring 68, preparing for another campaign in the Judean and Samarian highlands. The Jews who were driven out of Galilee rebuilt Joppa (Jaffa) which had been destroyed by Gallus. Surrounded by the Romans, they rebuilt the city walls and used a light flotilla to demoralize commerce and interrupt the grain supply to Rome from Alexandria.[73]
In his The Jewish War, Josephus wrote:
They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavigable to all men.[74]
Zealot leaders of the collapsed northern revolt, headed by John of Giscala, managed to escape from Galilee to Jerusalem with the bulk of their forces. Packed with militants of many factions, including remains of forces loyal to the Judean provisional government and significant Zealot militia headed by Eleazar ben Simon, and largely cut off by Roman forces, Jerusalem quickly descended into anarchy with the radical Zealots taking control of large parts of the fortified city. A brutal civil war then erupted, with the Zealots and the Sicarii executing anyone advocating surrender.
Following a false message that the Judean provisional government had come to terms with the Roman Army, delivered by the Zealots to the Idumeans, a major force of some 20,000 armed Idumeans arrived to Jerusalem. It was allowed in by the Zealots and thus, with Idumeans entering Jerusalem and fighting by the side of the Zealots, the heads of the Judean provisional government, Ananus ben Ananus and Joseph ben Gurion, were killed with severe civilian casualties in the notorious Zealot Temple Siege, where Josephus reports 12,000 dead. Receiving the news of the carnage in Jerusalem, Simon bar Giora left Masada and began pillaging Idumea, setting his headquarters in Na'an; he met little resistance and joined forces with Idumean leaders, including Jacob ben Susa.
Vespasian's Judea campaign
[edit]In the spring of 68, Vespasian began a systematic campaign to subdue various rebel-held strongholds in Judea proper, recapturing Afeq, Lydda, Javneh, and Jaffa that spring. He continued into Idumea and Perea and to the Judean and Samarian highlands, where Bar Giora's faction was causing major concern to the Romans. The Roman Army took Gophna, Akrabta, Bet-El, Ephraim, and Hebron by July 69.
While the war in Judea was in progress, great events were occurring in Rome. In the middle of 68, Nero's increasingly erratic behavior finally lost him all support for his position. The Roman Senate, the Praetorian Guard, and several prominent army commanders conspired for his removal. When the Senate declared Nero an enemy of the people, he fled Rome and committed suicide with the help of a secretary. The newly installed emperor Galba was murdered after just a few months by his rival Otho, triggering a civil war that came to be known as the Year of the Four Emperors. In 69, though previously uninvolved, the popular Vespasian was also hailed emperor by the legions under his command. He decided, upon gaining further widespread support, to leave Titus to finish the war in Judea while he returned to Rome to claim the throne from the usurper Vitellius, who had already deposed Otho.
Titus advanced his Roman legions on Jerusalem, conquering towns and creating a wave of Judean refugees. The rebels avoided direct confrontation and were mostly interested in their own control and survival. The Zealot factions were weakened by civil war within the city but could still field significant troops. John, a Zealot leader, assassinated Eleazar and began a despotic rule over the city. Simon bar Giora was invited into Jerusalem to stand against the Zealot faction of John and quickly took control of much of the city. Infighting between the factions of bar Giora and John followed through 69.
Siege of Jerusalem
[edit]The siege of Jerusalem turned into a stalemate. Unable to breach the city's defenses, Roman armies established a permanent camp just outside the city, digging a trench around the circumference of its walls and building a wall as high as the city walls themselves around Jerusalem. Anyone caught in the trench attempting to flee the city would be captured and crucified in lines on top of the dirt wall facing into Jerusalem, with as many as 500 crucifixions occurring in a day.[75] The two Zealot leaders, John of Gischala and Simon Bar Giora, only ceased hostilities and joined forces to defend the city when the Romans began to construct ramparts for the siege.
During the infighting inside the city walls, a stockpiled supply of dry food was intentionally burned by the Zealots to induce the defenders to fight against the siege, instead of negotiating peace; as a result many city dwellers and soldiers died of starvation during the siege. Tacitus, a contemporary historian, notes that those who were besieged in Jerusalem amounted to no fewer than 600,000, that men and women alike and every age engaged in armed resistance, that everyone who could pick up a weapon did, and that both sexes showed equal determination, preferring death to a life that involved expulsion from their country.[76] Josephus puts the number of the besieged at nearly 1 million. Many pilgrims from the Jewish diaspora who, undeterred by the war, had trekked to Jerusalem to be present at the Temple during Passover became trapped in Jerusalem during the siege and perished.[77]
In the summer of 70, following a seven-month siege, Titus used the collapse of several of the city walls to breach Jerusalem, ransacking and burning nearly the entire city. The Romans began by attacking the weakest spot: the third wall. It was built shortly before the siege so it did not have as much time invested in its protection. They succeeded towards the end of May and shortly afterwards broke through the more important second wall. During the final stages of the Roman attack, Zealots still held the Temple while the Sicarii held the upper city. The Second Temple, one of the last fortified bastions of the rebellion, was destroyed on Tisha B'Av (29 or 30 July 70).
All three walls of Jerusalem were eventually destroyed as well as the Temple and the citadels; the city was burned, with most survivors taken into slavery; some of those overturned stones and their place of impact can still be seen. John of Giscala surrendered at Agrippa II's fortress of Jotapata while Simon Bar Giora surrendered at the site where the Temple once stood. The Temple treasures, including the Menorah and the Table of the Bread of God's Presence, which had previously only ever been seen by the High Priest of the Temple, were paraded through the streets of Rome during Titus' triumphal procession, along with some 700 Judean prisoners who were paraded in chains, among them John of Giscala and Simon Bar Giora. John of Giscala was sentenced to life imprisonment while Simon Bar Giora was executed. The triumph was commemorated with the Arch of Titus, which depicts the Temple's treasures being paraded.[78][79] With the fall of Jerusalem, some insurrection still continued in isolated locations in Judea, lasting as long as 73.
Last strongholds
[edit]During the spring of 71, Titus set sail for Rome. Sextus Lucilius Bassus was appointed as military governor, whose assigned task was to undertake the "mopping-up" operations in Judea. He used X Fretensis to besiege and capture the few remaining fortresses that still resisted. Bassus took Herodium and then crossed the Jordan to capture the fortress of Machaerus on the shore of the Dead Sea and then continued into the forest of Jardus on the northern shore of the Dead Sea to pursue some 3,000 Judean rebels under the leadership of Judah ben Ari, whom he swiftly defeated.[80] Because of illness, Bassus did not live to complete his mission. Lucius Flavius Silva replaced him and moved against the last Judean stronghold, Masada, in the autumn of 72. He used Legio X, auxiliary troops, and thousands of Jewish prisoners,[citation needed] for a total of 10,000 soldiers. After his orders for surrender were rejected, Silva established several base camps and circumvallated the fortress. According to Josephus, when the Romans finally broke through the walls of this citadel in 73, they discovered that 960 of the 967 defenders had committed suicide.
Aftermath
[edit]Demographic consequences
[edit]The Roman suppression of the revolt had a significant demographic impact on the Jews of Judaea, as many perished in battle and from siege conditions, and multiple cities, towns and villages were destroyed. The destruction was not uniform across the country; certain areas suffered more extensive devastation than others. The Jewish population in several mixed cities was eliminated. In Galilee, according to Josephus, two of the four largest cities, Tarichaea (probably Magdala) and Gabara, were destroyed, while Sepphoris and Tiberias reconciled with the Romans and experienced minimal harm. The scope of destruction also varied in Transjordan and in central Judaea. Among all the regions, Judea proper experienced the most severe destruction, yet some cities, like Lod, Yavne, and their surroundings, remained relatively undamaged. The most severe devastation was concentrated in the Judaean Mountains, culminating in the complete destruction of Jerusalem, resulting in an estimated loss of more than 90% of its population.[29]
Josephus reports that the Romans took numerous slaves with them. He says that Vespasian sent 6,000 Jewish prisoners of war from Galilee to work on the Isthmus of Corinth in Greece.[81] He records that the Romans captured captives who were 17 years old and older and sent them to forced labor in Egypt. The youngest captives were sold into slavery.[82]
According to Moshe David Herr's estimation, one-third of the Jewish population in Judaea perished during the revolt. This figure encompasses those who died in battles with the Romans, during intra-Jewish civil strife, and in massacres perpetrated by gentiles in mixed cities. Additionally, victims succumbed to famine and epidemics, particularly in Jerusalem during its long siege. About another tenth of the Jewish population in Judaea was captured by the Romans, and their fate was often tragic, with many enduring harsh treatment, execution, or forced labor. Strong young men were compelled to serve as gladiators in stadiums and circuses across the empire, while others were sent to brothels or sold as slaves.[29]
Vespasian settled 800 Roman veterans in Motza, which became a Roman settlement known as Colonia Amosa or Colonia Emmaus. He strengthened Roman control over the province by giving Caesarea colony status and Neapolis city status, and by garrisoning Legio X Fretensis in Jerusalem permanently.[83] Despite the heavy losses and the destruction of the Temple, Jewish life continued to thrive in Judea.[84] However, continuing dissatisfaction with Roman rule eventually led to the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–136, which appears to have resulted in the destruction and depopulation of Judea proper.[85]
Jerusalem
[edit]According to historical sources and archaeological evidence, Jerusalem was completely destroyed during the war. Josephus claims that 1,100,000 people were killed during the siege of Jerusalem, 97,000 were captured and enslaved, and many others fled to areas around the Mediterranean. A significant portion of the deaths was from illnesses and hunger brought about by the Romans. "A pestilential destruction upon them, and soon afterward such a famine, as destroyed them more suddenly."[1]
Roman historian Tacitus, when describing the siege of Jerusalem, reports "We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand. [...] Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death",[86] which indicates that the besieged believed that those who survived the siege would be displaced.[81]
Seth Schwartz writes that it is unlikely that many Jews survived in Jerusalem or the surrounding area. Many of the Jewish rebels were scattered or sold into slavery.[85] He refutes Josephus' estimates of a death toll of 1.1 million as implausible. According to his calculations, the total population of Judea at that time was around 1 million, with approximately half being Jews. Moreover, he points out that sizeable Jewish communities continued to exist in the region even after the war, including in Judea, despite the severe damages incurred.[87] According to Schwartz, the reported figure of 97,000 captives taken during the war is much more reliable. This would suggest that a sizeable segment of the population was either driven out of the country or, at the very least, displaced.[85]
Glen Bowersock writes that the aftermath of the revolt and the destruction of Jerusalem brought Jews to the Arabian Peninsula, leading to the establishment of settlements in southern Yemen, along the coast of Ḥaḍramawt, and most notably in the northwestern Ḥijāz, particularly in Yathrib (later Medina), where they became prominent representatives of monotheism in pre-Islamic Arabia.[88]
Social consequences
[edit]The social ramifications of the war were profound, leading to the complete disappearance or loss of status of entire social strata. The most impacted were the classes closely associated with Jerusalem and the Temple. The aristocratic oligarchy, consisting of the families of the High Priesthood and their affiliates, who wielded significant political, social, and economic influence and amassed great wealth, suffered a total collapse.[29] The conventional understanding posits that the Essenes, whose settlement at Qumran was destroyed during the war, and the Sadducees, who were primarily composed of members from the Jerusalem aristocracy, might have ceased to exist after the revolt. Nevertheless, there are no direct sources explicitly confirming their disappearance, and hints in later rabbinic and patristic literature suggest the possibility of continued Jewish sectarianism, including Sadducee and Essene-related groups, in the following centuries.[89]
Economic consequences
[edit]The revolt affected Judaea's economic and social environment, as well as, to a lesser extent, the Jewish world at large. With the influx of pilgrims and wealth from the Roman and Parthian Empires, which concentrated vast wealth in Jerusalem, the Second Temple had developed into a massive economy by the first century, but the destruction of the city and the temple brought this to an end. Additionally, according to Josephus and other scholars, the Romans confiscated and auctioned off all Jewish land or all land held by Jews who had participated in the insurrection.[85]
Following the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple, the Romans imposed a new tax, the Fiscus Judaicus, on all Jews across the Empire.[90][91] This tax required Jews to pay an annual sum of two drachmas, replacing the half-shekel previously donated to the Temple. The funds were redirected to the maintenance of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome.[90] Over time, the tax evolved into a broader levy on Jews, implicitly holding all Jews—whether in Judea or the diaspora—responsible for the revolt, even though most had no role in the conflict.[92] Under Domitian, the enforcement of the tax became even more severe, as noted by Suetonius.[93] Evidence of the Fiscus Judaicus is preserved in receipts found in Egypt, with records dating from 70 CE to 116 CE. The tax ceased in Egypt during the Diaspora Revolt, which resulted in widespread suppression and the near-total annihilation of Egyptian Jewry.[94]
The Jewish Encyclopedia article on the Hebrew Alphabet states: "Not until the revolts against Nero and against Hadrian did the Jews return to the use of the old Hebrew script on their coins, which they did from motives similar to those which had governed them two or three centuries previously; both times, it is true, only for a brief period."[95]
Religious and cultural developments
[edit]The destruction of the Temple marked a turning point in Judaism, ending the practice of sacrifice as a central component of Jewish religious life,[96] and halting the line of High Priests.[96] In the absence of the Temple, Judaism responded by more devoted observance to the commandments of the Torah, and by making the synagogue the center of Jewish life.[97] Synagogues, which were present before the revolt, acquired prominence and replaced the Temple as a major meeting place for Jews, and rabbis took the place of high priests as the Jewish community's leaders. The rabbis filled the void of Jewish leadership in the aftermath of the Great Revolt and, through their literature and teachings, helped Judaism adapt in the absence of the Temple.[97][98] Because of the rabbis' dominance after 70, the era is sometimes known as the "rabbinic period".[97]
Moshe and David Aberbach argued that following the suppression of the revolt, the Jews, "largely deprived of the territorial, social and political bases of their nationalism", were forced to "base their identity and hopes of survival not on political but on cultural and moral power."[99]
According to rabbinic sources, Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai (Ribaz), a prominent Pharisaic sage, was smuggled out of besieged Jerusalem in a coffin by his students. After predicting Vespasian's rise to the throne, he sought and obtained permission from the future emperor to establish a rabbinic center in Yavne. While the specific details of Ben Zakkai's escape remain difficult to corroborate, the story bears some similarities to Josephus' account of his own escape and predictions, even though inconsistencies exist. Nonetheless, the writings of Josephus confirm the escape of several dignitaries from Jerusalem during the siege, making it plausible that Ben Zakkai was among them.[100]
Under the leadership of Ribaz, Yavne emerged as a prominent rabbinic center where various enactments were issued to reshape Jewish life and adapt it to post-destruction reality. This allowed the development of an organized and authoritative system of rabbinic scholarship, which became the basis for the emergence of Rabbinic Judaism as the dominant form of Judaism in the centuries that followed. In keeping with Pharisaic beliefs, the Rabbinic approach emphasized the role of the oral tradition as a supplement to the written Torah, resulting in the development of the Mishnah (redacted in the early 3rd century) and later Talmud as primary sources of Jewish law and religious guidance.[100] According to one theory, now largely discarded, a council at Yavneh also finalized the canon of the Hebrew Bible.[101]
The religious reaction to the destruction was also evident through changes in halakhah (Jewish law), midrashim, and the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, all of which mention the agony of the temple's destruction.[84]
Roman Empire
[edit]Vespasian's rise to power, following a period of civil conflict and lacking the prestige of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, made a victory over the Jews crucial for both securing Rome's glory and diverting attention from internal struggles.[22] The Flavian dynasty he founded—continuing under his sons Titus and Domitian until the latter's death in 96 CE—leveraged this victory to solidify their claim to imperial rule.[102] Following the revolt, a triumph—the only one in Roman history celebrating the subjugation of an existing province's population[103]—was held in Rome to mark the fall of Jerusalem.[102] Rome's city center was transformed with monuments commemorating the victory,[91] including two triumphal arches: the Arch of Titus on the Via Sacra and another at the Circus Maximus.[102] Additionally, the Flavian dynasty issued an extensive series of coins titled Judaea Capta, celebrating the conquest and subjugation of Judaea.[104]
According to Philostratus's Life of Apollonius, Titus refused to accept a wreath of victory offered by the groups neighboring Judaea, on the grounds that he had only been the instrument of divine wrath.[106]
After the revolt, Roman authorities intensified their efforts to quell any potential uprisings in Jewish diaspora communities, targeting individuals deemed as troublemakers in Egypt and Cyrene.[92] In 72 CE, the Jewish temple at Leontopolis—founded two centuries earlier by Onias IV following the loss of his high priesthood in Jerusalem—was closed by the Roman authorities.[92]
After the fall of Jerusalem, Titus "funded expensive spectacles and used Jewish captives as a display of their own destruction" in southern Syria and greater Judaea. According to Nathanael Andrade, these events served to unify the ethnically and culturally diverse populations of Greek cities, while simultaneously marginalizing Jews, who were perceived as a threat to the Greek way of life, marked by its temples and figurative art. Additionally, these spectacles led Greeks to view the Romans as their defenders against Jewish uprising.[107]
Further wars
[edit]The Great Revolt of Judea marked the beginning of the Jewish–Roman wars, which radically changed the eastern Mediterranean and had a crucial impact on the development of the Roman Empire and the Jews. Despite the defeat of the Great Revolt, tensions continued to build in the region. With the Parthian threat from the East, major Jewish communities throughout the eastern Mediterranean revolted in 117 CE. The revolt, known as the Kitos War in 115—which took place mainly in the diaspora (in Cyprus, Egypt, Mesopotamia and only marginally in Judea)—while poorly-organized, was extremely violent and took two years for the Roman armies to subdue. Although only the final chapter of the Kitos War was fought in Judea, the revolt is considered part of the Jewish–Roman Wars. The immense number of casualties during the Kitos War depopulated Cyrenaica and Cyprus and also reduced Jewish and Greco-Roman populations in the region.[vague]
The third and final conflict in the Jewish–Roman Wars erupted in Judea, known as the Bar Kokhba revolt in 132, concentrating in Judea province and led by Simon bar Kokhba. Although Bar Kokhba was initially successful against Roman forces and established a short-lived state, the eventual Roman effort defeated Bar Kokhba's rebels. The result was a level of destruction and death that has been described as a genocide of the Jews, a ban on Judaism, and the renaming of the province from Judea to Syria Palaestina, with many Jews being sold into slavery or fleeing to other areas around the Mediterranean. Although Hadrian's death in 137 eased restrictions and persecution of the Jews, the Jewish population of Judea had been greatly reduced.
Sources
[edit]The main primary source for the Jewish revolt is Josephus (c. 37–100 CE), born Yosef ben Mattityahu, a Jewish historian of priestly descent and a native of Jerusalem, who provides an eyewitness account of many events.[108] Appointed commander of Galilee early in the war, he took refuge in a cave after the Siege of Yodfat in 67 CE, joining a suicide pact that he later abandoned when only one other participant remained alive.[109] He surrendered to Vespasian, securing his life by prophesying Vespasian's rise to emperor.[109] Freed by Vespasian, Josephus spent much of the rest of the war urging Jews to surrender and witnessed the destruction of the Temple. He later gained Roman citizenship, a pension, and land in Judaea, married multiple times, and had several children.[109] After the fall of Jerusalem, he never returned to his homeland, living in Rome as a historian under imperial patronage, where he authored his works.[96]
Josephus' first work, and the primary account of the Jewish revolt, was The Jewish War, which he began writing shortly after the war ended and completed by the summer of 79 CE.[110] This work was, in part, a gesture of loyalty to Vespasian and his sons, Josephus' patrons. It served their political aims by portraying them in a favorable light. At the same time, Josephus used the text to present his actions and positions positively, engaging in self-praise while disparaging his opponents. The narrative minimizes the collective responsibility of the Jewish people for the revolt, attributing it instead to a rebellious minority, the corruption of Roman governors, and the workings of fate. Through this, Josephus delivered a message to the Romans, urging moderation in their response to the Jews, whom he portrayed as not inherently rebellious, while also warning Jews in both Judaea and the Diaspora against entertaining ideas of rebellion or vengeance against Rome.
A History of the Jewish War was written by Jewish historian Justus of Tiberias, but it has been lost and survives only in quotes by Josephus,[111] Eusebius[112] and Jerome.[113] The work was apparently highly critical of Josephus's The Jewish War, which prompted a sharp rebuttal from Josephus in his later autobiographical work, Life.[111] In the latter text, Josephus defends himself against Justus's criticisms and offers a detailed account of his activities in Galilee during the revolt. This allows for comparisons to Josephus's earlier book, revealing differences in their portrayals of events. Other accounts of the revolts, though not as accurate as Josephus, come from the Histories of Tacitus, The Twelve Caesars of Suetonius and the Strategemata of Frontinus.
Another account of the revolt comes from a 4th-century chronicle written in Latin by an anonymous author, erroneously thought to be Hegesippus in the past and thus commonly referred to as Pseudo-Hegesippus. However, such work is usually seen as nothing more than a rewriting of The Jewish War of Josephus with blatant anti-Jewish and pro-Christian alterations, and is therefore dismissed as unreliable by scholars.[citation needed]
According to Fergus Millar, the revolt represents "the best-attested series of operations by the Roman army in the entire history of the Empire."[96]
See also
[edit]- Jewish and Samaritan revolts
- Jewish revolt against Constantius Gallus, 352
- Samaritan revolts, 484–572
- Jewish revolt against Heraclius, 614-617/625
- Related topics
- First Jewish Revolt coinage
- History of the Jews in Italy
- History of the Jews in the Roman Empire
- Josephus problem
- List of conflicts in the Near East
- List of Jewish civil wars
- Religious persecution in the Roman Empire
- Sicaricon (Jewish law)
References
[edit]- ^ a b Josephus. BJ. 6.9.3., Perseus Project BJ6.9.3, .
- ^ White, Matthew (2012), The Great Big Book of Horrible Things, Norton, p. 52
- ^ "Atrocity statistics from the Roman Era". Necrometrics.
- ^ Grant, R. G. (2017). 1001 Battles That Changed the Course of History. Book Sales. pp. 85–. ISBN 978-0-7858-3553-0.
- ^ שטרן, מנחם (1984). ההיסטוריה של ארץ ישראל: התקופה הרומית-ביזנטית – שלטון רומי מהכיבוש ועד מלחמת בן כוסבה (63 לפני הספירה – 135 לספירה) (in Hebrew). בית הוצאה כתר – ירושלים; יד יצחק בן צבי. p. 297.
- ^ Josephus. BJ. 2.8.11..Josephus. BJ. 2.13.7..Josephus. BJ. 2.14.4..Josephus. BJ. 2.14.5..
- ^ Josephus, De Bello Judaico (Wars of the Jews), book iv, chapter i, § 1
- ^ Goodman 1987, p. 9.
- ^ Berlin & Overman 2002, p. 2.
- ^ Gabba 1999, pp. 94–95.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 95.
- ^ Gabba 1999, pp. 97–98.
- ^ a b Berlin & Overman 2002, p. 3.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 113.
- ^ Gabba 1999, pp. 127–128, 130.
- ^ a b Goodman 1987, p. 1.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 130.
- ^ a b Goodman 1987, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 133.
- ^ a b c d e f Goodman 1987, p. 2.
- ^ a b c d Gabba 1999, p. 140.
- ^ a b Goodman 2004, p. 16.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 142.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 143.
- ^ Mattern 2010, p. 168.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 145.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 146.
- ^ Tactius, Annals, 5.10
- ^ a b c d The Jewish War, II, 277 Cite error: The named reference ":0" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 124.
- ^ Gabba 1999, p. 147.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, pp. 1, 126.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 127.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 1, 127.
- ^ The Jewish War, II, 14.6
- ^ The Jewish War, II, 14.9
- ^ a b Gabba 1999, p. 148.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 2.
- ^ The Jewish War, II, 357
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, pp. 140–141.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 143.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 144.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Millar 1995, p. 71.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 150.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 152.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 151.
- ^ The Jewish War, II, 427
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 153.
- ^ a b c d Rogers 2022, p. 155.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 158.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 159.
- ^ Eusebius, Church History 3, 5, 3; Epiphanius, Panarion 29,7,7–8; 30, 2, 7; On Weights and Measures 15. See: Craig Koester, "The Origin and Significance of the Flight to Pella Tradition", Catholic Biblical Quarterly 51 (1989), pp. 90–106; P. H. R. van Houwelingen, "Fleeing forward: The departure of Christians from Jerusalem to Pella", Westminster Theological Journal 65 (2003); Jonathan Bourgel, "The Jewish Christians' Move from Jerusalem as a pragmatic choice", in: Dan Jaffé (ed), Studies in Rabbinic Judaism and Early Christianity, (Leyden: Brill, 2010), pp. 107–138.
- ^ Josephus, The Jewish War, II, 18, 9
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 166.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 167.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 168.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 169.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 170–171.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 174.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 175.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 175, 177.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 180.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 182.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 179–180.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 181.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 184.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 184–185.
- ^ a b c d Ben Zion, S. A Roadmap to the Heavens: An Anthropological Study of Hegemony Among Priests. p45.
- ^ Rocca S. 2008. The Forts of Judea 168 BCE – CE 73. Osprey, Wellingborough, pp. 37–39, 47–48.
- ^ Broshi, Magen (1 October 1979). "The Population of Western Palestine in the Roman-Byzantine Period". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 236 (236): 1–10. doi:10.2307/1356664. ISSN 0003-097X. JSTOR 1356664. PMID 12338473. S2CID 24341643.
- ^ Byatt, Anthony (1 January 1973). "Josephus and Population Numbers in First Century Palestine". Palestine Exploration Quarterly. 105 (1): 51–60. doi:10.1179/peq.1973.105.1.51. ISSN 0031-0328.
- ^ "Silver Shekel from the First Jewish Revolt, 66–70 CE". The Center for Online Judaic Studies. 31 December 2008. Archived from the original on 12 January 2020. Retrieved 2 October 2020.
- ^ Malkin, Irad; Hohlfelder, Robert L. (1988). Mediterranean Cities: Historical Perspectives. Routledge. p. 81. ISBN 978-0-7146-3353-4. Retrieved 22 April 2010.
- ^ Josephus. BJ. 3.9.2., Perseus Project BJ3.9.2, .
- ^ Dimont, Max (June 2004) [1962 for first ed.]. "The Sealed Coffin". Jews, God, and History (2nd ed.). New York: Signet Classic. p. 101. ISBN 0-451-62866-7. Retrieved 29 September 2009.
To make sure that no food or water supply would reach the city from the outside, Titus completely sealed off Jerusalem from the rest of the world with a wall of earth as high as the stone wall around Jerusalem itself. Anyone not a Roman soldier caught anywhere in this vast dry moat was crucified on the top of the earthen wall in sight of the Jews of the city. It was not uncommon for as many as five hundred people a day to be so executed. The air was redolent with the stench of rotting flesh and rent by the cries and agony of the crucified. But the Jews held out for still another year, the fourth year of the war, to the discomfiture of Titus.
- ^ Tacitus, Cornelius (1844) [1844]. "Book 5". The works of Cornelius Tacitus: with an essay on his life and genius, notes, supplements. Philadelphia: Thomas Wardle. p. 504. Retrieved 3 April 2011.
- ^ Wettstein, Howard: Diasporas and Exiles: Varieties of Jewish Identity, p. 31 (2002). University of California Press
- ^ "Titus' Arch, Emperor Titus' Triumphal Arch in the Roman Forum - Rome Italy". 9 November 2004. Archived from the original on 9 November 2004.
- ^ Civan, Julian: Abraham's Knife: The Mythology of the Deicide in Anti-Semitism, p. 68
- ^ Tropper, A. Rewriting ancient Jewish history: the history of the Jews in Roman times and the new historical method: p. 92. [1]
- ^ a b Van Kooten, G. H. (2011). The Jewish War and the Roman Civil War of 68–69 CE: Jewish, Pagan, and Christian Perspectives. In The Jewish Revolt against Rome (pp. 419–450). Brill.
- ^ Josephus, the Jewish War, Book VI, 418:558
- ^ Belayche, Nicole (2001). "Jews and Polytheistic Semitic Traditions". Iudaea-Palaestina: the pagan cults in Roman Palestine (second to fourth century). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. pp. 82–84. ISBN 3-16-147153-9. OCLC 49385579.
- ^ a b Schiffman, Lawerence (1991). "Revolt and Restoration," in From Text to Tradition. Ktav Pub. House. pp. 161–162.
- ^ a b c d Schwartz, Seth (2014). The ancient Jews from Alexander to Muhammad. Cambridge. pp. 85–86. ISBN 978-1-107-04127-1. OCLC 863044259.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Tacitus, Histories, Book V, Chapter XIII
- ^ Schwartz, Seth (1984). "Political, social and economic life in the land of Israel". In Davies, William David; Finkelstein, Louis; Katz, Steven T. (eds.). The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. Cambridge University Press. p. 24. ISBN 978-0521772488.
- ^ Bowersack 2017, p. 102.
- ^ Goodman, M. (1994). "Sadducees and Essenes after 70 CE". Judaism in the Roman World. Brill. pp. 153–162. doi:10.1163/ej.9789004153097.i-275.38. ISBN 978-90-474-1061-4. Retrieved 2 August 2023.
- ^ a b Clarysse 2021, pp. 316–317.
- ^ a b Goodman 2004, p. 17.
- ^ a b c Goodman 2004, p. 26.
- ^ Goodman 2004, p. 18.
- ^ Clarysse 2021, pp. 306, 316–317.
- ^ Alphabet, the Hebrew. Coins, and Bibliography 6
- ^ a b c d Millar 1995, p. 70.
- ^ a b c Cohen, Shaye. p. 297.
- ^ Cohen, Shaye. p. 298.
- ^ Aberbach & Aberbach 2000, pp. 4–5.
- ^ a b Gurtner, Daniel M.; Stuckenbruck, Loren T., eds. (2020). T&T Clark Encyclopedia of Second Temple Judaism. Vol. 2. T&T Clark. pp. 694–695, 834–836. ISBN 978-0-567-66144-9.
- ^ L. M. McDonald & J. A. Sanders (eds.), The Canon Debate, Peabody (Mass.), Hendrickson Publishers, 2002, chapter 9: "Jamnia Revisited" by Jack P. Lewis, pp. 146–162.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, pp. 3–5.
- ^ Millar 1995, p. 79.
- ^ Ya'akov Meshorer, A Treasury of Jewish Coins (2001, Jerusalem), p. 185.
- ^ Battegay, Lubrich, Caspar, Naomi (2018). Jewish Switzerland: 50 Objects Tell Their Stories. Basel: Christoph Merian. pp. 18–21. ISBN 978-3-85616-847-6.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, 6.2.9.1
- ^ Andrade, Nathanael J. (2013). Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World. Greek Culture in the Roman World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 115. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511997808. ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 469.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 471.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 472.
- ^ a b Josephus, The Life of Flavius Josephus
- ^ Eusebius, Church History, Book 10, Chapter 3
- ^ Jerome, De viris illustribus, Chapter 14
Bibliography
[edit]Primary sources
[edit]- Malalas, John. Chronicle.
- Josephus. The Jewish War.
- Pliny. Naturalis Historia.
Secondary sources
[edit]- Aberbach, Moshe; Aberbach, David (2000). The Roman-Jewish Wars and Hebrew Cultural Nationalism, 66-2000 CE. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-76458-9.
- Bahat, Dan (1999). "The Herodian Temple". In Horbury, William; Davies, W. D.; Sturdy, John (eds.). The Early Roman Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 38–58. ISBN 9781139053662.
- Berlin, Andrea M.; Overman, J. Andrew, eds. (2002). "Introduction". The First Jewish Revolt: Archaeology, History, and Ideology. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-62024-6.
- Bowersock, Glen W. (2017). The Crucible of Islam. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674057760.
- Broshi, Magen (1999). "The Archaeology of Palestine 63 BCE–CE 70". In Horbury, William; Davies, W. D.; Sturdy, John (eds.). The Early Roman Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–37. ISBN 9781139053662.
- Clarysse, Willy (2021). "The Jewish Presence in Graeco-Roman Egypt: The Evidence of the Papyri since the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum". In Salvesen, Alison; Pearce, Sarah; Frenkel, Miriam (eds.). Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity. Vol. 110. Leiden & Boston: Brill. pp. 305–325. ISBN 978-90-04-43539-1.
- Gabba, Emilio (1999). "The social, economic and political history of Palestine 63 BCE–CE 70". In Horbury, William; Davies, W. D.; Sturdy, John (eds.). The Early Roman Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 94–167. ISBN 9781139053662.
- Goodblatt, David (2006). Elements of Ancient Jewish Nationalism. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780511499067.
- Goodman, Martin (1987). The Ruling Class of Judaea: The Origins of the Jewish Revolt against Rome, A.D. 66–70. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780511552656.
- Goodman, Martin (2002). "Current scholarship on the First Revolt". In Berlin, Andrea M.; Overman, J. Andrew (eds.). The First Jewish Revolt: Archaeology, History, and Ideology. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 15–24. ISBN 978-0-415-62024-6.
- Goodman, Martin (2004). "Trajan and the Origins of Roman Hostility to the Jews". Past & Present (182): 3–29 – via JSTOR.
- Mattern, Susan (2010). "Counterinsurgency and the Enemies of Rome". In Hanson, Victor Davis (ed.). Makers of Ancient Strategy: From the Persian Wars to the Fall of Rome. Princeton University Press. pp. 163–184. ISBN 978-0-691-13790-2.
- Millar, Fergus (1995). The Roman Near East: 31 BC–AD 337. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-77886-3.
- Rogers, Guy MacLean (2022). For the Freedom of Zion: The Great Revolt of Jews against Romans, 66–74 CE. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-24813-5.
Further reading
[edit]- Popović, Mladen. 2011. The Jewish Revolt Against Rome: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Leiden: Brill.
- Price, Jonathan J. 1992. Jerusalem under Siege: The Collapse of the Jewish State, 66–70 AD. Brill's Series in Jewish Studies 3. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
- Rajak, Tessa. 1983. Josephus: The Historian and His Society. London: Duckworth.
- Reeder, Caryn A. 2015. "Gender, War, and Josephus." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 1: 65–85.
- ———. 2017. "Wartime Rape, the Romans, and the First Jewish Revolt." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 3: 363–85.
- Spilsbury, Paul. 2003. "Flavius Josephus on the Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire." The Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 1: 1–24.
- Tuval, Michael. 2013. From Jerusalem Priest to Roman Jew: On Josephus and the Paradigms of Ancient Judaism. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.
External links
[edit]- Works related to The War of the Jews at Wikisource
- Media related to First Jewish-Roman War at Wikimedia Commons
- In Depth Lecture on the First Roman-Jewish War and Destruction of the 2nd Tempe Thinktorah.org